Thursday, January 27, 2011

Three Days of Mourning – The Passing of jTatic Samuel Ruiz García

At approximately 10.00am on Monday, January 24, 2011, the world suffered a tremendous loss with the passing of Bishop Emeritus Samuel Ruiz García, age 86. Don Samuel had spent the past two weeks in Mexico City for health problems, namely heart, lung, and kidney complications, in addition to a prolonged fight with diabetes. [1]

Who was jTatic Samuel?

Don Samuel, commonly referred to as jTatic Samuel (“jTatic”, pronounced “Tatik”, means “father” in Tzotzil), was named Bishop of Chiapas on November 14, 1959 by Pope John XXIII.[2] He was first and foremost a defender of indigenous human rights in Chiapas. Because of this stance, he was a revolutionary presence in the midst of a society that did not view indigenous persons as equal to other citizens.

Don Samuel’s life was continually marked by advocacy efforts in the name of indigenous and human rights. In 1974, he worked to convene the Indigenous Congress, where indigenous groups from all throughout Chiapas gathered to make their voices heard and demand their rights. From 1982 to 1995, he worked to call attention to the refugees expelled from Guatemala during the civil war occurring below the Chiapas border. In 1989, he founded the Centro de Derechos Humanos Fray Bartolomé de las Casas, AC (FrayBa), one of the leading human rights legal organizations in Chiapas. In 1993, he published a Pastoral Letter entitled “En esta hora de gracia” (In this Hour of Grace), drawing attention to the injustices being perpetrated against indigenous persons.[3]

These, and many other activities leading up to 1994, helped set the stage for one of his most famous roles. From 1994 to 1998, jTatic Samuel served as the Mediator between the Ejército Zapatista de Liberación Nacional (EZLN) (aka, the Zapatistas) and the Mexican federal government. In 1995, he worked as one of the principle architects of the San Andrés Accords, an effort to bring about peace between the Zapatistas and the federal government.[4]

It was shortly after this work that jTatic Samuel resigned in his position as Bishop of the Diocese of San Cristobal. While it seems there was no official discussion of the apparently political nature of his resignation, locals in San Cristobal seem to express that his resignation occurred for two main reasons: (1) the physical threats that were being levied against him, and (2) political pressure from the Mexican government on the church.

Following his resignation as Bishop of San Cristobal, jTatic Samuel continued his work in the name of human rights. For his lifelong service in the defense of human rights, he was nominated for the Nobel Peace Prize, in addition to other recognitions for his work.[5]

The First Day

News of jTatic Samuel’s death on Monday traveled quickly. By the afternoon, anyone familiar with Chiapas politics seemed to have heard of his passing. At 7.00pm, crowds gathered outside of the Cathedral for the pending mass. Inside the church the pews were full, with people standing in the back and on the sides. Some people were identifiable by indigenous communities, given the colorful traditional outfits they were wearing. The priest delivered a solemn homily, encouraging remembrance and reflection on the life of jTatic Samuel. As the Mass concluded, one of the priests came forward and proclaimed loudly, “¡Viva jTatic Samuel!” to which the congregation responded in kind, “¡Viva!

The air charged, people milled throughout the plaza in front of the Cathedral throughout the night. The body of Don Samuel was in transit from Mexico City to Tuxtla, and from Tuxtla to San Cristobal. Initially, his body was due to arrive around 10.00pm on Monday night. As updates kept filtering in, the time kept being pushed back. Workers set up loudspeakers and an out-door screen broadcasting what was taking place inside the church. They also set up additional barricades around the church, as police and firemen strolled around the edges of the plaza.

Around 12.30am on Tuesday morning, people began regrouping – he was due to arrive shortly. Some people began forming a corridor from the street to the main doors of the church, while other people went to stand on the nearby platform at the base of the wooden cross opposite the church. Waiting and watching, the crowd began to stir as the main doors of the church opened wide, letting light from within filter out onto the steps. The priests and church authorities began to file out, one by one, sorting themselves according to rank.

The church bell then rang, and the white hearse pulled up. People ran from the other side of the plaza to join the line. Then, the first sounds of clapping – pallbearers held the casket aloft over the crowd, carrying it through the human corridor as the applause swelled. Those bearing the casket brought it to the feet of the bishop, as an orator invoked the crowd to cheer "¡Viva jTatic Samuel!” ­­­ The casket was whisked into the church, and the bishop addressed the crowd.




The crowd proceeded into the Cathedral, which was already packed. Catching glimpse of the ceremonies was difficult, but loudspeakers carried the priests’ voices throughout the corners of the church. Reminding the congregation of the work done by jTatic Samuel, the priest recalled how jTatic had walked alongside the poor and indigenous, allying himself with the most humbled in society. The Mass lasted roughly an hour and a half, from around 1.00am to 2.30am, ending with cheers of “¡Viva!” to the life and memory of Don Samuel.

The congregation was then invited to come forward to bid jTatic Samuel farewell. This resulted in the masses of people initially rushing forward with a rather pushy media presence leading the charge, thereby ignoring the direct requests of the priests to form two lines. As control was exerted, however, the crowd began to fall into line, and each person was given his or her turn to come forward and offer their thoughts and prayers for Don Samuel, many kissing the coffin or touching their forehead to the glass covering his body.

The Second Day

Tuesday, January 25, 2011 was marked by two additional masses in honor of jTatic Samuel. The first was held at 12.00pm, and the second at 7.00pm. At the noon mass, members from indigenous communities arrived to pay homage to the priest from regions lying hours away. Such regions include Simojovel, Chenalhó, Chilón, Ocosingo, Las Margaritas, and others.[6]

At the 7.00pm Mass, the bells tolled yet again to mark the beginning of the Mass. Yet despite the Mass beginning, the line to visit Don Samuel was coiled throughout the church, with a wait of several hours to reach the priest’s coffin.

The Third Day

Wednesday, January 26, 2011, was the third and final day of remembrance for jTatic Samuel. By 11.00am, a large platform was set up in front of the church, as well as wooden bleachers for the gathering crowd. As 12.00pm neared, the crowds grew larger. When the Mass began at noon, the plaza was filled with people, and the platform was crowded with priests, bishops, and other church authorities. The casket of jTatic Samuel rested in front of the platform, slightly elevated for the crowd to see.

The Mass lasted for roughly two and a half hours. Throughout the Mass, several moments stood out as notable. First, there were the words in memory of Don Samuel offered by representatives of every major Mayan language in Chiapas. There was even a representative of the Guatemalan refugee community, who offered words of remembrance in Mam, a Mayan language commonly found in Guatemala.

There was also a representative of Las Abejas present (see photo), as well as another representative of a group within the Diocese who delivered forceful presentations. Most striking about their words was the openly confrontational tone they took against the Mexican government, in front of both the audience and the news crews gathered at the church. Both men took the opportunity to denounce government activity in the communities. Specifically, they denounced government projects in the communities, saying that the government falsely promised that these projects would improve life for the community, when in reality they divide the communities, damage the environment, destroy food supplies and harm the health of the villagers. The Las Abejas representative went so far as to directly denounce the “mal gobierno” (the “bad government”) and its presence in the communities.

Following all the other speakers, the brother of Don Samuel briefly spoke in a short but emotional offering of thanks both to God and to his brother for Don Samuel's life.

After the Mass concluded, the priest leading those congregated began to sing once more, leading cheers of "¡Viva jTatic Samuel!". The other church authorities moved forward to lift the coffin, and slowly advanced through the main church doors. The service concluded by using the big screen set up in the plaza to broadcast the burial inside the church, accompanied by the cries of ¡Viva!, the songs, and the chants of the congregation gathered, watching and waiting, outside the church doors.



¡Viva jTatic Samuel!

Most appropriately, around 5.00pm on Wednesday after the burial, the jTatic Samual jCanan Lum awards were held in an outlaying barrio in San Cristobal. Those who receive this award are people or groups who embody the spirit of the pueblo, who are the protectors and caretakers of the people and traditions in the communities. These awards, named after Don Samuel, could be equated to local Nobel Peace Prizes.

The priest who presided over the awards eloquently noted that having laid Don Samuel’s body to rest, it was now time to work again. As Don Samuel lived his life in the defense of the poor and humble, his spirit lives on amongst those who carry on his work. And given those present at the ceremony, his spirit is strong indeed.


[1] “El Caminar de un teólogo hacia la liberación de los más los necesitados,” La Jornada, January 24, 2011, http://www.jornada.unam.mx/ultimas/2011/01/24/semblanza-del-obispo-samuel-ruiz

[2] Id.

[3] Id.

[4] Id.

[5] “Fallece Jtatic Samuel Ruiz García – Nuestro Guía e Inspirador en la Defensa de los Derechos Humanos (1924-2011),” Centro de Derechos Humanos Fray Bartolomé de las Casas, AC, 24 de enero de 2011, Boletín de Prensa No. 01.

[6] Hermann Bellinghauen, “Indígenas de todo Chiapas se reúnen para despedir a Samuel Ruiz,” La Jornada, 25 de enero 2011, http://www.jornada.unam.mx/ultimas/2011/01/25/llegan-de-todo-chiapas-a-rendir-homenaje-a-samuel-ruiz-en-san-cristobal.


Tuesday, January 11, 2011

Aguacatenango & the Changing of the Cargos

Located about an hour and a half away from San Cristobal lies the pueblo of Aguacatenango, whose residents are indigenous Tzeltales. To get there, one first takes a collective taxi to Teopisca, then a combi from Teopisca to the road outside of Aguacatenango. Upon arriving outside the town, the traveler proceeds into town on foot. Last Thursday, January 6, the town held a festival for the Dia de los Reyes (the Christian holiday celebrating the day the wise men arrived at the stable housing the newborn baby Jesus). This festival also celebrated the changing of social positions/responsibilities, known as cargos.

Within the community, different persons are required to fulfill different roles throughout their lives. The roles vary – some are religious roles, some are social/legal roles.

Although the religion of Aguacatenango is technically Christian, it is Christianity couched in the terms of the locals. Thus, the town’s religious roles would probably be unrecognizable to Christians from other parts of the world. Religious roles vary, and include those of the mayordomos, who care for the saints housed within the church, two mayordomos per saint. The saints, who bear familiar Catholic names, are really a modern representation of deities that predated the arrival of Christianity to the region. This can be seen in the veneration of the cross. The townspeople of Aguacatenango view the cross as a deity unto itself. It is not merely a wooden representation of an idea – it is an actual deity, deserving of individual worship.

This particular festival marked the changing of certain social/legal roles. There are a variety of these “authority” roles, two of which include the President and the Judge. While one might think the President is the most important position, the President of Aguacatenango is actually a minor position. He is usually a young person, one who can read and write and can serve as a liaison with the technological and globalized world that lies outside the pueblo. The Judge, however, is one of the most highly respected individuals in the community. He, along with other village authorities, are required to be present every day of the year at a specific building between the hours of 3pm-5pm, for anyone who wishes to come and submit a complaint.

The cargos change early in the morning, inside of the town church. Afterward comes the fiesta, featuring the participation of the social/legal and religious authorities, as well as their spouses. After everyone files in to sit in their appropriate seats, a bowl of water is brought around for everyone to clean their teeth. The unsuspecting had best be aware of this ritual – this water is not meant to be swallowed. Rather, you are to take a swig of water, swish it around in your mouth, then spit it out off to the side. After you properly clean your teeth, you are brought a drink called atol, a thick, sweet, corn-based drink, accompanied by two tamales. After polishing off the food, you’re required to clean your teeth once more.

Then comes the alcohol. The village elders, authorities, and mayordomos bless the alcohol, a drink known as pox (pronounced "posh") that is a locally brewed moonshine. For those who elect not to drink, they bring a bottle with them into which they pour the shots of pox that they are served. For those not so fortunate as to have brought a bottle, the first shot is requisite, but the future shots thereafter can be declined. After several rounds of pox, the servers then bring around bottles of beer that have been properly blessed. As the rounds of drinks continue, music starts up, alternating between traditional flute and drum music and a hired band that plays banda.



Perhaps it is the alcohol, perhaps it is formidable loudspeakers booming banda – whatever the reason, the majority of those present participate at some point in the dancing. While men regularly dance with the women, it is common to see women dancing with women as well. Age also does not seem to be a barrier, as the old may dance with the young. Even the village elders on occasion participate, shuffling along to the rhythm set forth by the electric keyboard off to the side. The dance may be rather subdued in comparison to salsa or merengue, but that does not deter the villagers from bobbing and swaying for several hours into the late afternoon.

As the dancing wraps up, the officials close the fiesta with the appropriate rituals and recitations. The new authorities at this point have relocated to the designated building where they await complaints from the towns’ populace, and the rest of the fiesta-goers begin to disband.

Thus, the roles of Aguacatenango have changed for this year, and the new appointees have begun their new cargos for the community.

The research documenting these traditions is the work of Marie Chosson, French anthropologist, who has dedicated the better part of the last ten years learning about the society of Aguacatenango.