Wednesday, February 23, 2011

The Coffee You Drink

In the cities of the United States, coffee shops are scattered throughout, ranging from large companies such as Starbucks to small locally owned businesses. In the smaller towns, the occasional coffee shop may be found. And, even if there are no coffee shops in town, there are certainly bags of coffee in the local supermarket, usually available at a relatively low cost. Behind this commercial image of coffee, what coffee consumers do not see is the backbreaking work and the time-consuming processes needed to produce that bag of coffee on the supermarket shelf. For the enlightenment of coffee drinkers and in honor of the Mexican coffee farmer, here is a glimpse of this process.

Coffee plants are grown between 800-1800 meters above sea level. The higher the altitude, the better the coffee. Thus, to visit the coffee-growing region in southern Mexico, chances are the visitor will end up in the mountains. Depending on the altitude of the plants, the coffee is harvested anywhere between January and June. The coffee plants themselves produce a fruit called an uva (“grape,” called a “cherry” in English), which may be red or yellow, depending on the species of plant. Each plant is harvested between two and three times, depending on the level of care in tending to the plant.

To harvest the cafetal (coffee plot), a worker goes out into the field with a canasta (trade-specific basket) that is strapped around the worker’s waist, into which the worker places the uvas. The cafetales in this region are usually located on hillsides, meaning the trip to the coffee plants involves climbing up and down steep hills. The landowner usually does the harvesting, sometimes assisted by family members, or even by other hired hands from the region. Migrant field workers also often come up from Guatemala to work in the fields during the coffee -harvesting season. An individual worker can haul roughly six canastas up from a field. A worker with a horse can load up to twelve canastas on a horse, placing six on each side. A special yoke called an arquillo is placed on the horse’s back, allowing the bags to be divided up evenly on both sides.

When the uvas are then brought down from the field, they then begin the first stages of being processed. There is a “wet processing” and a “dry processing.” The wet processing is the procedure followed to remove the pulp of the uva from the actual coffee seed.

To begin the wet processing, the uvas are placed in a large tank that is then filled with water. The uvas that are rotten float to the surface and are removed. The uvas that are suitable for processing sink to the bottom. Once all of the spoiled uvas are removed, the water is released from the tank, with the good uvas being flushed into a de-pulping machine. As the machine churns, it de-pulps the berry, revealing the seed inside the uva (see photo on left). The seed is covered in a gooey liquid called miel (honey) that tastes sweet. The de-pulped seeds travel, aqueduct-style, into another vat, where they are once more cleaned and left to ferment for roughly two days.



After fermenting, the seeds are removed and laid out on patios to dry. The seeds must be raked regularly so that they dry evenly – the goal is to reduce the level of humidity present in each seed by exposing it to the sun.

Some coffee farmers live in regions, however, where there is a substantial amount of rain. In such conditions, it is difficult to dry the coffee properly at home. These farmers must instead bring the coffee to a lower altitude where there is less rain in order to leave the coffee out to dry.

Once the de-pulped coffee is dried, it results in what is called pergamino, which is the coffee seed surrounded by a paper-like husk. If the uvas are de-pulped immediately after being picked, the pergamino will be white in color. If the uvas are de-pulped several days after being picked, the pergamino will be yellow in color. The white color indicates higher quality (see photo, right), and if the coffee was raised organically (without chemicals), this white pergamino will fetch a higher price on the coffee market. The yellow, lower quality pergamino, however, will sell for less. This lower-quality coffee is usually what is sold to Nescafé, or other soluble coffee brands.

After drying the coffee, the farmer then bags the pergamino in special burlap bags, each weighing one quintal, and brings these quintales to the buyer. Depending on the political and social inclinations of the farmer, the buyer may either be a colectivo (collective organization) or a coyote (also called an intermediaro).

A colectivo functions differently than a coyote, providing certain benefits to the farmer. The colectivo maintains strict quality control regulations on the coffee, emphasizing organic coffee production, meaning that a farmer must be more diligent in the maintenance of the coffee crop. However, there are benefits to be had by being a member of a colectivo.

First, the colectivo does not pay the farmer the full price upfront. Instead, the farmer receives a percentage of the pay upfront for the anticipated market price of the coffee. When the colectivo sells the coffee, the difference goes back to the farmer. A coyote, however, pays the farmer all at once when the farmer initially sells his coffee. While being paid the total amount at one time may seem more desirable, the colectivo’s method is a self-regulated method that ensures the farmer has funds later on in the year. Namely, this method ensures the farmer has funds when it comes time to purchase seeds and materials to sew the next harvest. Second, as a member of a colectivo, the farmer may participate in various workshops and training exercises designed to improve the cultivation of the coffee plants. Third, a member of a colectivo may take out loans from the colectivo without interest. If a farmer takes out a loan from a coyote, the famer must pay back the loan with interest, often at very high rates.

Thus, the farmer must choose who will buy the coffee harvest - some choose the colectivo, some choose the coyote. These colectivos exist throughout the regions where coffee is grown. In the region of Jaltenango, located in the southwest part of Chiapas, several such colectivos exist, including Union Ramal Santa Cruz and CESMACH (Campesinos Ecológicos de la Sierra Madre de Chiapas). The coyotes in the town are also easily identified, bearing signs stating “Compras de Café.”

Once the farmer brings the quintales of pergamino coffee to the chosen buyer, the buyer then examines the product, first weighing the bags. Samples are then taken of the pergamino, used to check the humidity and the mancha (rottenness) of the product. To check the humidity, the tester takes a handful of the pergamino and crushes the husk, inspecting the seed inside. An experienced tester can determine if the humidity ranges between 10-13%, the usual acceptable range of humidity. The mancha is then checked by hand as well. The tester observes how many seeds are spoiled or generally unusable. After the humidity and the mancha have been checked, the tester takes a sample to a small de-husking machine. The pergamino is put into the machine, which then de-husks the seed. The resulting seed is a light blue-green in color, and is now referred to as café oro (gold coffee). The mancha is once again checked, this time calculating in human error for any seeds that may have been damaged during the de-husking process. The sample that has been de-husked is used to represent a percentage of the quintal – the humidity of the sample is the humidity of the overall bag, and the mancha percentage of the sample is representative of the mancha percentage of the bag.

Once the colectivo or coyote has purchased the bags of pergamino from the farmer, the bags are sorted according to size and type of coffee. In the colectivos, certain specialty coffees may also be found, apart from the usual organic coffee. At least in CESMACH, there is a special category of coffee dedicated to women farmers – women who often have lost their husbands or sons, and are reliant upon their coffee product to sustain themselves. In such case, this café feminina (female coffee) is sold at a slightly higher price on the market so that the additional proceeds may go back to the women farmers.

When the buyer aggregates a total of 465 quintales, this forms a lote (that is, 1 lote = 465 quintales). The lote is then transported to a maquiladora for the de-husking process to occur on a large scale. While the pergamino can be de-husked by hand and turned into café oro for the sake of checking the humidity and the mancha, there is no feasible way to process by hand all of the coffee that comes into a buyer’s store. Thus, the coffee bags must be shipped to a location where the maquiladora can de-husk the pergamino, turning it into café oro on a grand scale.

When a bag of pergamino is put into the maquiladora, the coffee seed is first de-husked and turned into café oro. The oro seed is then sorted according to weight and size. After several additional sortings according to size and weight, the oro that weighs a premium weight and is of a consistent size is bagged in a burlap bag and set aside. This coffee is now ready to be sold to a roaster, most likely to the United States or somewhere in Europe, where the coffee can be sold at a higher price than is available in the domestic market. The remaining coffee, which was either too large or small, or weighed too little or too much, is sorted once more according to size and weight. The goal is to catch any beans of good size and weight that slipped passed unnoticed during the first sorting. These beans are then bagged as well, and set aside for shipping to the international roaster. The remaining beans are then bagged, intended for the domestic market.

If a coffee shop or coffee organization, whether in Mexico or abroad, has its own roaster, it can directly buy the café oro from the colectivo or the coyote, roast the coffee, and sell it in stores or cafes. Some roasters, however, buy the coffee, roast it, and then sell it to coffee shops or stores that do not have roasting capacity of their own. Either way, the coffee ends up making its way into your hands, allowing you to enjoy a product made by the farmers of Mexico.

Wednesday, February 9, 2011

Backyard World Heritage - Chiapa de Corzo

Some traditions disappear over the years, surviving as only the faintest memory in the mind of a village elder. Some traditions, however, survive the passage of time, sometimes even growing in size and strength. In Chiapa de Corzo (see Point A on map), a town located roughly 40 minutes outside of San Cristóbal de las Casas (see Point B on map), one such tradition comes to life every January.

From January 8 – 23 every year in Chiapa de Corzo, the town hosts the “Fiesta Grande de Enero” (the Grand Festival of January). This festival has attracted so much attention that one of the characters used in the festival, the parachico, was registered in November 2010 on the UNESCO (United Nations Educational, Scientific, and Cultural Organization) Representative List of the Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity.[1]

This festival honors the three patron saints of the town, Saint Anthony Abbot, Our Lord of Esquipulas, and Saint Sebastian,[2] in addition to the Spanish patroness, Doña Maria de Angulo. Legend has it that during the period of Spanish domination, a Spanish noblewoman of devout Christian faith came to Chiapa de Corzo.

This woman, Doña Maria de Angulo, had a son who was suffering from an unknown illness - thus, she was traveling in search of a cure. A Spaniard recommended that she take her son to a local shaman, who then subsequently ordered that she bring her son to the baths of Cumbujuyu, a region in Chiapa de Corzo. After bathing her son in these waters for nine days, her son regained his strength and was healed.[3]

This miracle occurred in a time of great famine in Chiapa de Corzo. Hence, out of gratitude, Doña Maria returned to the town accompanied by her servants, some which were called chuntáes (sometimes spelled chuntas), to provide food, money, and other gifts to the townspeople. She further offered her son as a sacrifice, baring his naked body to the sun after binding it to a pole and proceeding through the main streets of Chiapa de Corzo, praying to Heaven for mercy on the town.[4]

The festival also features the chuntáes, those who represent the servants of Doña Maria. Occasionally, the onlooker may see an actual woman dressed up as a chuntáe. But the majority of the time, these characters are men dressed as women. For this celebration, there is no shame for a man to dress as a woman – indeed, the more beautiful he appears, it seems the more admiring the reception. The chuntáes dress up in traditional dresses and dance in the streets to the bayashando, a traditional type of music involving the drum and reed flute. They carry baskets from which they throw candy and small denomination coins to the bystanders. Almost comically, the aim of these lovely ladies is a bit deadly, and sometimes results in the occasional bruised forehead for the unsuspecting crowd member.[5]

The other main figure is the parachico. These men from the town dress up in a wooden mask, designed to mimic the European features of the Spanish who arrived in the region centuries ago. This mask is hand-carved and worn under a cap made of ixtle (a pre-hispanic textile material), which is intended to mimic the blond hair of the Europeans. The parachico also wears a colorful cape called a chalina, adorned with bright ribbons over a black outfit. For six days, the parachicos run through the streets of Chiapa de Corzo with metal rattles called chinchines. The parachicos celebrate El Señor de Esquipulas on January 15, San Antonio Abad on January 17, and San Sebastián Mártir on January 20. On January 23, the last Mass of the festival is held, with the parachicos crying during the Mass since the celebrations are nearing a close.[6]

This past January 22nd marked the date of the grand parade that occurs toward the end of this festival. By 4pm, the main streets of Chiapa de Corzo were packed with townsfolk and the occasional tourist, wandering through the different booths vending items. Vendors sold all types of items: clothing, candy, preserved sweets, micheladas (a spicy beer mixture), jewelry, food of all types (ranging from corn dogs and pizza to tacos, churros, and garnachas), even fake eyelashes and mustaches for those desperately in need of facial adornment. The carnival rides ranged from the tame to the more high velocity. Also available was a mechanical bull that drew a fair number of spectators as the rider held on to the tune of different banda songs.

By 6pm, families occupied the plastic lawn chairs lining one of the main streets in town. People without a seat began to search for a vantage point from which to watch the parade – women with children were perhaps the worst, pushing the crowds with indefatigable determination.

The police band start off the parade, sounding trumpets and drums. While the trumpets were perhaps not precisely in unison, the clarion was nevertheless formidable. After the band marched forward, the main attractions of the parade began to file past, featuring the parachicos and the chuntáes.



Several representative parachicos danced by first, later followed by the entire crowd of dancing chuntáes. The deadly aim of the chuntáes as they pelted the crowd with candy created a bit of a stir, and the more extroverted chuntáes run up to bystanders encouraging photos. Shaking both shoulders and rattles, the chuntáes proceeded onward in the parade, twirling their skirts as they moved through the streets.




Following the procession of the chuntáes came the main throng of parachicos. Twirling around with arms outstretched, shaking their chinchines and chanting, the parachicos moved as one big mass between the crowds.




After the parachicos danced on down the street, the float carrying Doña Maria de Angulo rode by as she waved to the crowd. Other festive floats then followed hers, some bearing beauty queens, some with girls displaying garments they made themselves, some with seemingly little relation to the overall theme of the parade.

By 7.30pm all the floats made their way through the main streets, and the crowd began packing up. Some drifted off to the nearby food stands, others went off to the rides, while some families headed to wait in the hour-long line for the colectivos (collective transport) back to Tuxtla. For those in town, they had one more day to prepare for, that of the final Mass of the Fiesta Grande de Enero.



[1] United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization, UNESCO, “Parachicos in the Traditional January Feast of Chiapa de Corzo,” http://www.unesco.org/culture/ich/index.php?lg=en&pg=00011&RL=00399.

[2] Id.

[3] Fiesta Grande de Enero 2011, Informational Pamphlet from the government of Chiapa de Corzo, http://www.chiapas.gob.mx/media/feria-grande/folleto.pdf.

[4] Id.

[5] Id.

[6] UNESCO, http://www.unesco.org/culture/ich/index.php?lg=en&pg=00011&RL=00399.